史式
半个世纪以来,太平天国在大陆一直是一门显学,许多有关太平军的故事,也成为大家感兴趣的热门话题。上世纪90年代以来,由于多种原因,逐渐受到冷落。
最近(指本世纪初,编者注)天津百花文艺出版社出了一本书,日《太平杂说》。书中收集了35篇短文,其内容全都是探讨或评价太平天国历史的,作者潘旭澜先生在书中直率地说出了自己的论点:
“洪秀全为首的太平军,是头领们利用迷信发动和发展起来的一支造反队伍。他的一套教义、教规、戒律,不但从精神到物质严厉地控制着参加造反者,而且断绝了一切可能的退路。它们的指归,在于由洪秀全个人占有天下,建立他个人的‘地上天国’。
这种洪氏宗教,披着基督教外衣,拿着天父上帝的幌子,以中国奴隶主和封建帝王的腐朽思想、条规,对他控制下的军民实行极其残酷的剥夺与统治,实际上是一种极端利己主义的政治性邪教。洪秀全造反获得局部成功,是以中国社会的大动乱、大破坏、大倒退为代价的,是以数以百万计军民的生命、鲜血为代价的,是以中国丧失近代的最后机遇而长期沦为帝国主义刀俎下的鱼肉为代价的。尤其可怕的是,这一切还被作为一首英雄史诗,向人们指点通向人间天堂的金光大道。”
虽然在过去我们长期拔高、美化太平天国的时候,海内外也有一些学者曾经提出过疑问和异议;但是像如此彻底的否定意见,以前还没有见过。此论一出,有如一石击起千重浪,南北各地报刊纷纷发表争鸣文章,有赞成的,有补充的,有反对的,还有指为“攻击农民起义”的,形形色色,各类都有。看来这场争论针锋相对,没有调和的余地。如果太平天国是革命,能够推动历史前进,那就应该肯定;如果太平天国是邪教,只会造成动乱破坏,那就应该否定。要想解决问题,唯一的办法就是探明历史真相,让太平天国本身作出回答。
可惜100多年来,我们对太平天国总是雾里看花,难明真相。由于种种原因,我们从辛亥革命前后开始,就不断地拔高、美化太平天国。发展到今天,人们头脑中对太平天国的印象与真正的历史事实相去甚远,在这种情况下,假作真来真亦假,虽然拿得出真凭实据,想要一朝说出历史真相,使人信服,使人接受,让太平天国恢复本来面目,绝非易事,可以说是一大难题。
太平天国历史何以扑朔迷离
一段时间的历史,传闻失实者有之,因日久而湮没无闻者亦有之。但是像太平天国这样短短十几年的历史一再被人为地修改,古为今用的,却很少见。
首先借太平天国历史来“古为今用”的是孙中山先生。他当时公开号召同盟会员、革命志士宣传太平天国,宣传洪秀全,借以激发民气,推翻清廷。他首先以“洪秀全第二”自居,因此大家就以“洪秀全”呼之。他又褒称太平天国诸领袖为“民族英雄”、“老革命党”。
1902年,他鼓励留日学生刘成禺搜集资料,写出一本太平天国史来。1904年成书,定名为《太平天国战史》,孙中山先生为之作序,交由日本东京祖国杂志社出版,作者署名为汉公。此书史实误漏之处甚多,史学价值是谈不上的,可贵之处在于公开反清,号召革命。
值得注意的是孙中山先生的序言中有这样一句话:“洪朝亡国距今四十年,典章伟绩,概付焚如。”也就是说,孙先生以为太平天国的史书与典章制度全被烧掉了,一点也没有留下来。由此可以证明,他对太平天国本身的史料丝毫未见,对洪秀全是个什么样的人,对太平天国推行的是什么样的制度,不甚了了。他推崇洪秀全,只不过是因其“起自布衣,提三尺剑,驱逐异胡”而已。
在孙先生的倡导之下,革命党人借太平天国史事宣传反清,一时蔚然成风。 革命党人为了宣传革命,推翻清廷,尽量拔高太平天国,拔高洪秀全,只取一点,不问其余,至于是否符合史实,当时根本不及考虑。例如章太炎所作《逐满歌》日:“地狱沉沉二百年,忽遇天王洪秀全;满人逃往热河边,曾国藩来做汉奸。洪家杀尽汉家亡,依旧猢狲作帝王;我今苦口劝兄弟,要把死仇心里记。”这种通俗易懂的唱词,对于鼓舞下层人民奋起反清,起了很大的作用。至于这种说法是否符合历史事实,势难兼顾。
由于孙中山先生曾经有过拔高太平天国的事实,影响所及,国共两党都有了肯定太平天国的思维定势。国民党认为太平天国诸领袖是民族革命的英雄,共产党认为太平天国诸领袖是农民起义的英雄。1949年以前,国民党政府一直认为太平天国是革命的,视之为革命前辈。其间虽然也有杂音——例如推崇曾国藩的“平乱”,大读《曾文正公家书》,但是在正式场合,从不贬低太平天国。1949年以后,新中国把金田起义的人物定为英雄人物、正面人物,只能歌颂,不得批评。凡此均对学术界产生了很大的影响。
十年浩劫之前,大家觉得对革命有功的英雄是该推崇,并无多大疑问;可是在十年浩劫中间,四人帮对洪秀全的吹捧,到了匪夷所思的程度。他们认为洪秀全是真理的化身,所作所为,绝对正确,无可怀疑。在太平天国中除洪秀全外,杨秀清是想篡位的野心家,韦昌辉是混入革命阵营的阶级敌人,石达开是分裂主义者,李秀成忠王不忠,是个大叛徒,一律该杀。好像除了洪秀全这个孤家寡人外,太平天国里再没有一个好人。物极必反,这种极端的说法引起大家极端的反感,大家被迫重新思考,难道历史上真有这样荒唐的事?于是在四人帮垮台之后对太平天国史研究工作重新开始的时候,听到的已经不是清一色的歌颂之声,各式各样的“杂音”都先后出现了:
1979年5月,在南京举行太平天国史学术研讨会时,有人提出太平天国也是一个封建政权,其封建专制的程度更甚于清朝。
1981年3月,在广州举行纪念太平天国起义130周年学术研讨会时,有人提出太平天国实行的是奴隶制,上层搞特权,下层讲平均。
1981年8月,在四川石棉举行四川纪念太平天国起义130周年学术研讨会时,很多论文都为石达开说话,认为石达开的出走应由洪秀全负主要责任。
1983年3月,在南京举行太平天国建都天京130周年学术研讨会时,有论文指责太平天国的《天朝田亩制度》是公开推行奴隶制,人民全无自由,生产不能发展,历史必然倒退。后来的各种会议,对太平天国的批评意见逐渐增多。
最有代表性的否定意见是一篇公开发表的对冯友兰教授的访问记,冯先生就否定太平天国谈了自己的想法。他说:“我之所以否定太平天国,因为太平天国是要推行神权政治。假如太平天国统一了中国,那么中国的历史将倒退到黑暗时期。”他又指出:“有人说,太平天国建立的是农民政权,这无论如何是不对的,中国在历史上未曾建立过农民政权。”他还说:“否定太平天国必然为曾国藩翻案,为曾国藩翻案必然否定太平天国,可以说这是一个问题的两个方面。”
在大陆史学界对太平天国的看法逐渐发生变化的同时,台湾史学界也有类似的情况。
总而言之,太平天国历史的记载为什么严重失实。是由于以下这样一些原因所造成:
一、一百年来,许多政治家为了达到自己的政治目的,一再拔高太平天国,借宣传太平天国史事来为政治服务,每每只取一点,不问其余。
二、史学家本有秉笔直书,追求真理,澄清史实的责任。但是由于种种原因,也难免受到政治环境的影响,不能畅所欲言。或者是虽然说了,却得不到重视。
三、一般群众对于历史知识不甚了了,只好相信书本,以讹传讹,弄假成真。
近二十年来情况有所转变,对太平天国批评、指责的声音已经从无到有,从少到多,这是因为:做学问的环境相对宽松;逐渐开展的对外学术交流,特别是两岸的学术交流,有利于互相切磋,探讨太平天国历史的真相;特别有利的是,近年来陆续发现一些珍贵的史料,有的来自国外,有的来自民间。这些史料是揭开太平天国历史真相的铁证。孙中山先生当年认为已经“概付焚如”的太平天国典章制度,绝大部分都已发现。
作为学者的马克思在前后不到10年的时间里,对太平天国产生两种截然不同的看法,就是明显的例证。
1853年,马克思听到太平军胜利进军的消息,万分高兴,寄予热切的期望,想像以后东方会出现一个崭新的中国。他在《国际述评(一)》中说:
“世界上最古老最巩固的帝国八年来在英国资产者的大批印花布的影响之下已经处于社会变革的前夕,而这次变革必将给予这个国家的文明带来极其重要的结果。如果我们欧洲的反动分子不久的将来会逃奔亚洲。最后到达万里长城,到达最反动最保守的堡垒的大门,那么他们说不定就会看见这样的字样:
中华共和国
自由,平等,博爱
可惜太平天国太不争气,使他完全失望。1862年,当他知道了太平天国推行的各种暴政之后,又说出了如下的话:
“除了改朝换代以外。他们没有给自己提出任何任务。”
“他们给予民众的惊慌比给予老统治者的惊慌还要厉害。他们的全部使命,好像仅仅是用丑恶万状的破坏来对立停滞与腐朽,这种破坏没有一点建设工作的苗头。”
“显然,太平军就是中国人的幻想所描绘的那个魔鬼的inpersona(化身)。但是,只有在中国才能有这类魔鬼。这类魔鬼是停滞的社会生活的产物。”
洪秀全的历史作用
对洪秀全的研究,重点在于他后来的所作所为,他与太平天国这一件大事的关系。众所周知,他是太平天国的领袖;也都知道,他既是太平天国的开国之君,又是亡国之君。这其中值得认真探讨。主要探讨洪秀全是不是真有开国的功劳,又是不是应该负亡国的责任?
我们不妨先来看看洪秀全是不是应负亡国之责。对这方面的探讨比较容易,因为没有什么争论。天京内讧以后,洪秀全宣布“主是朕做,军师亦是朕做”,一时兴致很高。但是随即手忙脚乱,因为军政大权过去都由杨秀清掌管,他想找人帮忙,又不敢重用外姓,只好提拔亲贵——洪仁发、洪仁达,宠信佞臣——蒙得恩等人,把国事搞得一塌糊涂。以后他的堂弟洪仁玕前来投奔,带来了一份兴国大计——《资政新篇》,他十分高兴,立刻重用,封为精忠军师。但在讨论国家大事之时,他不肯放弃半点封建特权,无法接受推行新政的建议,不久,洪仁玕即遭冷落。陈玉成、李秀成等将领在外苦战,力撑危局,却得不到他的理解与支持,动辄大骂,惩罚,使人心灰意冷。南京被围,形势危急,他还纵容洪仁发洪仁达贪污勒索,垄断粮食,发国难财。到了事无可为之时,李秀成劝他“让城别走”,他大发脾气,说什么“朕之天兵多于水,朕之江山尔不扶,有人扶”等等。洪秀全这些倒行逆施,斑斑可考。
至于他是不是开国之君?请看《李秀成自述》: “南王冯云山在家读书,其人才干明白,前六人之中。谋立创国者出南王之谋。前做事者皆南王也。”
当时太平军全军上下都知道,开国英雄是冯云山。没有冯云山的鼓励,洪秀全不会到艰苦的粤北和广西去;当洪秀全失掉信心退回广东之时,冯云山却独自到紫荆山去开创根据地。根据地已经有了规模,洪秀全还一无所知。
冯云山在紫荆山区的活动,是以传教的形式进行的;当时小地主王作新向桂平县告发,说他们图谋不轨,桂平县抓了冯云山等人。冯辩称是在传教,始得脱险。因为鸦片战争以后,英国人争到了传教的特权。他们以传教为掩护才能立足。冯云山把远在广州曾经在教会工作的洪秀全推为教主,对于群众,更增加上帝教的神秘性;对于官府,也可以引广东的教会为后台,以策安全。冯云山出于策略上的考虑,推洪秀全为教主,是完全正确的。因此,洪秀全这个领袖,只起偶像作用,并不需要他真正领导。金田起义以前,洪秀全深藏不露,不与群众见面,当时领导班子的位次是:洪秀全称天上的基督为长兄,他自己是上帝次子,一把手;冯云山是上帝第三子,第二把手;杨秀清是上帝第四子,三把手;以下类推。
从金田起义到永安建国,中间经过八个月的苦战,领导班子的情况有了变化。由于战争频繁,军事第一,能够掌握群众的本地实力派杨秀清,萧朝贵地位上升,来自广东的洪秀全,冯云山地位下降。为了确保洪秀全的教主地位,冯云山作了让步,退居四把手,而让杨、萧上升为二、三把手,并由杨总揽军政大权。
太平军入南京,洪秀全一头钻进深宫,安享富贵,不坐朝,不见人,连一个国君的基本动作也不做。因此,清方情报专书《贼情汇纂》中说:洪秀全实无其人,喜庆节日大殿上所坐的只是一个木偶。
在冯云山支撑大局的时代,洪秀全是偶像。到了杨秀清掌握大权的时代,洪秀全更下降成为木偶。飞扬跋扈的杨秀清看透了洪秀全的无能,只把洪秀全作为一个木偶,一个道具对待,丝毫不加尊重,甚至假借天父下凡的名义指责洪秀全的短处,要打屁股,经百官求告,始予“赦免”。洪对杨积怨已深,又不甘心长期充当木偶,所以在1856年夏,暗中联络了一批对杨不满的人,采取突然袭击的手段,杀了杨的全家,并且株连二万余人,杀得全城天昏地暗。
今人一再把洪秀全奉为农民起义的领袖,奉为中国历史上规模最大的一次农民起义的领袖。那么,就请看看洪秀全自己是如何看待农民起义的。1844—1845年,冯云山正在努力开辟农民起义的根据地,洪秀全则在广东老家教书,写作诗文。其中有一篇《百正歌》,劝人崇正辟邪,去恶从善:歌中直指黄巢、李闯等人为邪恶。
洪秀全的私生活也颇有可议之处。如果是匹夫匹妇,私生活是小节,无关大局。但是洪秀全的私生活却严重影响了太平天国的大局,不可不问。作为封建帝王,多妻纵欲,广置嫔妃,这本不足为奇。但是洪秀全与别人不同之处,一是在起义之初脚跟还未站稳的时候拖带一大批女人,二是他的虐待嫔妃到了伤天害理灭绝人性的程度。请看太平天国“旨准颁行”的正式官书《天父诗》一百一十六: “天兄耶稣在石头脚下凡圣旨:天史曰:咐多小婶有半点嫌弃怠慢我胞弟,云中雪飞。”其中所说天兄下凡的时间为金田起义之后的16天,地点为距金田十多里的石头脚,下凡借萧朝贵之口说的话是:咐多(这么多)小婶(指洪秀全的一群妻子)有半点嫌弃怠慢我胞弟(指洪秀全),云中雪(刀的隐晤)飞(刀要飞,即指要杀人)。
天京宫廷生活中,洪秀全把嫔妃当成一群牲口,功辄打、杀,宫廷生活是一片肃杀之象。请看一看太平天国“旨准颁行”的官书《天父诗》十七、十八中所载对后妃的管教规定:“服事不虔诚,一该打;硬颈不听教,二该打;起眼看丈夫,三该打;问王不虔诚,四该打;躁气不纯净,五该打;讲话极大声,六该打;有喙不应声,七该打;面情不欢喜,八该打;眼左望右望,九该打;讲话不悠然,十该打。”
洪秀全对后妃虐待不仅是打,是杀,而且使用各种酷刑来慢慢消遣。《太平天国大辞典》“煲糯米”条中说,天王用来惩处嫔妃的酷刑包括“一说系用硫磺火点天灯,即《御制千字诏》:‘淫乱秽亵,硫磺烧尔’,《天父诗四百九十》:‘晒突乌骚身腥臭,喙饿臭化烧硫磺’。一说是将受刑者绑跪大锅水中,慢火煨水升温。至臀股煮烂而死。”在十多年中间,洪秀全通过一些佞臣,把一批批天真的少女从她们父母手中夺来,关进天王府的深宫以供淫乐,她们有时犯了鸡毛蒜皮的小事,或者只是因为洪秀全心情不好,看不顺眼,就可能被打,被杀(比较幸运,死得痛快),遭受酷刑,被慢慢地烧死,烧得乌焦巴弓;被慢慢地煮死,煮得肉尽剩骨。
要问太平天国究竟是革命还是邪教?这不是简单的一句话所能回答,需要说明那十几年中事情发展变化的过程。我在这里只提邪教,不提正当宗教。因为正当宗教有教规约束,不容许成为“叛乱”的温床。当然在某些特殊情况下,正当宗教的机构也会被邪教所利用。在历史上,农民起义或流民起事总不免与宗教有牵连,如汉末黄巾军之与太平道,宋代方腊之与摩尼教,明代朱元璋之与明教,清代各地起事队伍之与白莲教等等。其原因不难理解。在封建社会中,老百姓既不能组党问政,也不能集会结社,只有通过宗教活动,人们才能获得经常聚会的机会。也不论是什么宗教,土生土长的,或是外来的皆可利用。大致开头是借助于正式宗教活动,以后为了达到自己的政治目的,逐渐转为邪教活动,太平天国就是这样。洪、冯先是在传布基督教的掩护下,到处寻找发展机会。同时借用一些基督教教义,另创上帝教,等到后来他们与杨、萧的力量结合,承认了天父、天兄下凡等神鬼附身的荒唐举动,当然就成了道地的邪教。
古今中外都有邪教,从两千年前我国土生土长的邪教,到20世纪美国、日本的新型邪教,名目不同,花样百出,各有各的个性;但是中外古今的各种邪教,也必然有其共性,才能与正当宗教有所区别。这些共性大致是:
一,正当宗教要求教徒恪守教规,劝人行善,从宗教信仰上获得精神上的寄托。既不危言耸听,用种种灾祸来恐吓教徒,也不对教徒作空头许诺。邪教则常以世界末日来吓人,并许诺信教可以逃避灾祸,进入天国。太平天国正是一再作出许诺,入教可登入小天堂、大天堂,不入教者在世会有“蛇虎伤人”(《李秀成自述》语),死后堕入地狱。
二、邪教都会装神扮鬼,特别是会吹嘘教主能知天意,能与天神沟通。太平天国除吹嘘洪秀全是天上派来的世界万国独一真主,还按广西“降僮”的迷信习俗吹嘘天父能附杨秀清之身下凡说话,天兄能附萧朝贵之身下凡说话。
三、邪教都需要敛财。因为正当宗教能够公开募化,或有经费来源,邪教必须自筹活动经费,否则无法生存,无法发展。太平天国则要求人教者把全部财物交公,做得最为彻底。
四、正当宗教只要求内部的宗教职业者遵守教规,对教徒们不作硬性要求,对许多宗教活动也只是自愿参加。邪教是一种半公开半秘密的组织,为了保证自身的生存和发展,无不对入教者加以严格控制。太平天国军民不分,全民皆兵,入教者都成了“圣兵”,以教规——十款天条作为军律,对内控制之严,堪称空前绝后。
五、还有个怪现象也是古今中外的邪教所专有,而为正当宗教所绝无。这就是邪教的教主都是淫棍,年轻的女教徒都是他们的猎物。因为邪教既从身心两方面都严格控制了所有的教徒,也就给了教主对女教徒为所欲为的可乘之机。太平天国洪、杨两个的多妻纵欲,甚至以天父天兄的圣旨作为根据,也是够荒谬的。
以这五项标准来衡量,太平天国正是不折不扣的邪教。那么,是不是就可以在太平天国与邪教之间画了等号? 事情也并不如此简单。可以说,在太平天国的领袖们中间——如开国元勋冯云山、石达开,如后来抱着满腔热诚前来投奔的洪仁歼——是极不愿意让太平天国堕落为邪教组织的。他们冒着极大的风险,作了极大的努力,希望力挽狂澜,把太平天国推上正轨,可惜由于种种原因,最后都归于失败,壮志难酬,抱恨终天!
历代农民起义或流民起事,大都利用过邪教。邪教是一种破坏的力量,推翻旧王朝需要利用它。它不是一种建设的力量,建立新王朝就用不上它。因此,比较聪明的领袖在取得初步胜利之后,就会断然抛弃邪教,重用知识分子,来建立正规的新王朝,谋得长治久安。
在太平天国十多年的短促的历史中,经过了不少波澜起伏。开始依靠邪教以策动起事,这是事非得已,不得不然。但是后来形势发展,一再出现了可以抛弃邪教,改弦易辙的机会。既可能按传统的模式改朝换代,建立一个新王朝,使得士农工商各安生业;还可能走上革命的道路,在古老的东方首先推行新政,实现富国强兵,建立起一个现代的新国家。只可惜机会一失,时不再来。
但是我们却不能在太平天国与邪教之间划上等号。如果这样,我们将把冯云山、石达开、洪仁玕这些志士仁人置于何地? 将把成千上万自觉地为了救国救民而奋斗牺牲的忠勇军民置于何地? 就是对那些被愚弄而付出了生命代价的人们,我们也不忍心加以指责。真正应该受到谴责的只是那些暴君、野心家、佞臣、走狗,如此而已。更重要的,是我们必须从一场历史大悲剧中汲取教训,让后人不要再蹈前车的覆辙。思之再三,我觉得对于太平天国可以称之为一场流产了的革命,一场失败了的起义,一个不应该长期延续却可悲地一直延续到覆亡的邪教集团。
(来源:文史天地) 2008年02月18日
http://cul.sohu.com/20080218/n255215689.shtml
Showing posts with label Religion 宗教. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religion 宗教. Show all posts
Tuesday, February 19, 2008
Sunday, February 3, 2008
Evangelicals a Liberal Can Love 【KRISTOF】
NY Times OP-ED COLUMNIST
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
Published: February 3, 2008
At a New York or Los Angeles cocktail party, few would dare make a pejorative comment about Barack Obama’s race or Hillary Clinton’s sex. Yet it would be easy to get away with deriding Mike Huckabee’s religious faith.
Liberals believe deeply in tolerance and over the last century have led the battles against prejudices of all kinds, but we have a blind spot about Christian evangelicals. They constitute one of the few minorities that, on the American coasts or university campuses, it remains fashionable to mock.
Scorning people for their faith is intrinsically repugnant, and in this case it also betrays a profound misunderstanding of how far evangelicals have moved over the last decade. Today, conservative Christian churches do superb work on poverty, AIDS, sex trafficking, climate change, prison abuses, malaria and genocide in Darfur.
Bleeding-heart liberals could accomplish far more if they reached out to build common cause with bleeding-heart conservatives. And the Democratic presidential candidate (particularly if it’s Mr. Obama, to whom evangelicals have been startlingly receptive) has a real chance this year of winning large numbers of evangelical voters.
“Evangelicals are going to vote this year in part on climate change, on Darfur, on poverty,” said Jim Wallis, the author of a new book, “The Great Awakening,” which argues that the age of the religious right has passed and that issues of social justice are rising to the top of the agenda. Mr. Wallis says that about half of white evangelical votes will be in play this year.
A recent CBS News poll found that the single issue that white evangelicals most believed they should be involved in was fighting poverty. The traditional issue of abortion was a distant second, and genocide was third.
Look, I don’t agree with evangelicals on theology or on their typically conservative views on taxes, health care or Iraq. Self-righteous zealots like Pat Robertson have been a plague upon our country, and their initial smugness about AIDS (which Jerry Falwell described as “God’s judgment against promiscuity”) constituted far grosser immorality than anything that ever happened in a bathhouse. Moralizing blowhards showed more compassion for embryonic stem cells than for the poor or the sick, and as recently as the 1990s, evangelicals were mostly a constituency against foreign aid.
Yet that has turned almost 180 degrees. Today, many evangelicals are powerful internationalists and humanitarians — and liberals haven’t awakened to the transformation. The new face of evangelicals is somebody like the Rev. Rick Warren, the California pastor who wrote “The Purpose Driven Life.”
Mr. Warren acknowledges that for most of his life he wasn’t much concerned with issues of poverty or disease. But on a visit to South Africa in 2003, he came across a tiny church operating from a dilapidated tent — yet sheltering 25 children orphaned by AIDS.
“I realized they were doing more for the poor than my entire megachurch,” Mr. Warren said, with cheerful exaggeration. “It was like a knife in the heart.” So Mr. Warren mobilized his vast Saddleback Church to fight AIDS, malaria and poverty in 68 countries. Since then, more than 7,500 members of his church have paid their own way to volunteer in poor countries — and once they see the poverty, they immediately want to do more.
“Almost all of my work is in the third world,” Mr. Warren said. “I couldn’t care less about politics, the culture wars. My only interest is to get people to care about Darfurs and Rwandas.”
Helene Gayle, the head of CARE, said evangelicals “have made some incredible contributions” in the struggle against global poverty. “We don’t give them credit for the changes they’ve made,” she added. Fred Krupp, the president of Environmental Defense, said, “Many evangelical leaders have been key to taking the climate issue across the cultural divide.”
It’s certainly fair to criticize Catholic leaders and other conservative Christians for their hostility toward condoms, a policy that has gravely undermined the fight against AIDS in Africa. But while robust criticism is fair, scorn is not.
In parts of Africa where bandits and warlords shoot or rape anything that moves, you often find that the only groups still operating are Doctors Without Borders and religious aid workers: crazy doctors and crazy Christians. In the town of Rutshuru in war-ravaged Congo, I found starving children, raped widows and shellshocked survivors. And there was a determined Catholic nun from Poland, serenely running a church clinic.
Unlike the religious right windbags, she was passionately “pro-life” even for those already born — and brave souls like her are increasingly representative of religious conservatives. We can disagree sharply with their politics, but to mock them underscores our own ignorance and prejudice.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/03/opinion/03kristof.html?em&ex=1202187600&en=2cfd097c329edbb3&ei=5087%0A
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
Published: February 3, 2008
At a New York or Los Angeles cocktail party, few would dare make a pejorative comment about Barack Obama’s race or Hillary Clinton’s sex. Yet it would be easy to get away with deriding Mike Huckabee’s religious faith.
Liberals believe deeply in tolerance and over the last century have led the battles against prejudices of all kinds, but we have a blind spot about Christian evangelicals. They constitute one of the few minorities that, on the American coasts or university campuses, it remains fashionable to mock.
Scorning people for their faith is intrinsically repugnant, and in this case it also betrays a profound misunderstanding of how far evangelicals have moved over the last decade. Today, conservative Christian churches do superb work on poverty, AIDS, sex trafficking, climate change, prison abuses, malaria and genocide in Darfur.
Bleeding-heart liberals could accomplish far more if they reached out to build common cause with bleeding-heart conservatives. And the Democratic presidential candidate (particularly if it’s Mr. Obama, to whom evangelicals have been startlingly receptive) has a real chance this year of winning large numbers of evangelical voters.
“Evangelicals are going to vote this year in part on climate change, on Darfur, on poverty,” said Jim Wallis, the author of a new book, “The Great Awakening,” which argues that the age of the religious right has passed and that issues of social justice are rising to the top of the agenda. Mr. Wallis says that about half of white evangelical votes will be in play this year.
A recent CBS News poll found that the single issue that white evangelicals most believed they should be involved in was fighting poverty. The traditional issue of abortion was a distant second, and genocide was third.
Look, I don’t agree with evangelicals on theology or on their typically conservative views on taxes, health care or Iraq. Self-righteous zealots like Pat Robertson have been a plague upon our country, and their initial smugness about AIDS (which Jerry Falwell described as “God’s judgment against promiscuity”) constituted far grosser immorality than anything that ever happened in a bathhouse. Moralizing blowhards showed more compassion for embryonic stem cells than for the poor or the sick, and as recently as the 1990s, evangelicals were mostly a constituency against foreign aid.
Yet that has turned almost 180 degrees. Today, many evangelicals are powerful internationalists and humanitarians — and liberals haven’t awakened to the transformation. The new face of evangelicals is somebody like the Rev. Rick Warren, the California pastor who wrote “The Purpose Driven Life.”
Mr. Warren acknowledges that for most of his life he wasn’t much concerned with issues of poverty or disease. But on a visit to South Africa in 2003, he came across a tiny church operating from a dilapidated tent — yet sheltering 25 children orphaned by AIDS.
“I realized they were doing more for the poor than my entire megachurch,” Mr. Warren said, with cheerful exaggeration. “It was like a knife in the heart.” So Mr. Warren mobilized his vast Saddleback Church to fight AIDS, malaria and poverty in 68 countries. Since then, more than 7,500 members of his church have paid their own way to volunteer in poor countries — and once they see the poverty, they immediately want to do more.
“Almost all of my work is in the third world,” Mr. Warren said. “I couldn’t care less about politics, the culture wars. My only interest is to get people to care about Darfurs and Rwandas.”
Helene Gayle, the head of CARE, said evangelicals “have made some incredible contributions” in the struggle against global poverty. “We don’t give them credit for the changes they’ve made,” she added. Fred Krupp, the president of Environmental Defense, said, “Many evangelical leaders have been key to taking the climate issue across the cultural divide.”
It’s certainly fair to criticize Catholic leaders and other conservative Christians for their hostility toward condoms, a policy that has gravely undermined the fight against AIDS in Africa. But while robust criticism is fair, scorn is not.
In parts of Africa where bandits and warlords shoot or rape anything that moves, you often find that the only groups still operating are Doctors Without Borders and religious aid workers: crazy doctors and crazy Christians. In the town of Rutshuru in war-ravaged Congo, I found starving children, raped widows and shellshocked survivors. And there was a determined Catholic nun from Poland, serenely running a church clinic.
Unlike the religious right windbags, she was passionately “pro-life” even for those already born — and brave souls like her are increasingly representative of religious conservatives. We can disagree sharply with their politics, but to mock them underscores our own ignorance and prejudice.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/03/opinion/03kristof.html?em&ex=1202187600&en=2cfd097c329edbb3&ei=5087%0A
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)